France’s policy in the Middle East and North Africa marked by Charles de Gaulle’s heritage, placed France in a counterweight position, in a region dominated previously by the Americans and the Soviets.
Paris' policy in the region is structured around three pillars.
First: A human rights discourse, under which France legitimized its intervention in Libya.
Second: A security logic, which insists on the primacy of the fight against radical Islam and terrorism under which France intervened in Syria alongside the Kurdish People's Protection Units (YPG) against ISIS.
Third: An economic strategy, which led to the alignment of new alliances and its own economic interests. One of these countries is Egypt, which is a key ally of the Libyan Parliament based in Tobrouk. Its rival is the Turkish-backed government in the Libyan capital of Tripoli whose mandate expired in December 2017.
Turkey and France have been locked in an escalating war of words over Libya. This reflects their contrasting interests in the conflict in the oil-rich Northern African country. Ankara has sent weapons and military advisers to help the UN-backed government in Tripoli and pushed back the forces of Tobruk, which is backed by powers including Russia, Egypt and the United Arab Emirates (UAE).
Even in the Middle East, Turkey and France have contrasting interests in Lebanon and Syria, with each party helping different local players.
Turkey’s expansionist policies in Middle East and Africa does not stop there but have expanded also in the waters of the Eastern Mediterranean, bringing it close to a collision course with Greece and Cyprus. Naturally, those two countries came close to France and their common allies in the region.
Turkey has pursued an aggressive gas exploration effort. Its research vessel is searching inside Greece’s maritime area (according to the Maritime Law Convention of 1983 that Turkey has not signed) and is protected by warships of the Turkish Navy. There it encountered rival Greek vessels. Even when a Turkish frigate was damaged trying to hit a Greek one, Turkey did not withdraw its forces.
Tensions remain high as Turkey continues to threaten chaos and war, as Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan has stated numerous times to his domestic audience and to the diplomatic channels abroad.
A German delegation that tried to end the crisis failed miserably as it fell on Turkish deaf ears.
France has become involved siding with Greece, sending warplanes and ships alongside the UAE, which is a mutual ally of both Greece and France. Turkey pursues a much more assertive foreign policy, which some have likened to a resurgence of the old Ottoman Empire.
The geographical horizons of Erdoğan have certainly expanded.
Turkey's strategic stance has shifted since the end of the Cold War with the demise of the staunchly secular state and its replacement with an Islamist one which grows each passing year.
The ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP) saw a dynamic and growing Turkish economy to help establish the nation as a player with regional reach. Recently, Turkey's economy may have faltered, but Erdoğan shows no sign of drawing in his horns.
On the other side, after a financial crisis that lasted nearly a decade, Greece is working to modernize its navy, upgrade its fleet of F-16 fighter jets and strengthen military ties with traditional allies, as well as Turkey's regional rivals, including Israel, Egypt, and Saudi Arabia.
What should be the country’s reaction to this growing threat? The answer is more cooperation with allies in all sectors. Greece also may offer to France something that it lacks in the region.
A steady base of operations as United Kingdom has in Cyprus.
With this move, only benefits can come for both sides.
A place of such a base could be the island of Leros at the Dodecanese islands which already has naval installations and can be used within a short period of time hosting warships of almost every type. Of course there are other locations that can host the French Navy in the Greek islands or even Cyprus that still today has 40% of its land under Turkish occupation since 1974 with the excuse of protecting the Turkish Cypriot minority.
France will benefit immensely as it can use such a base for its anti-terror operations in the Middle East and increase its naval operations and influence in the region. In exchange Greece, Cyprus and France will sign a mutual military pact in case of conflict that may occur, marking a new era for the people of all participants.
Si vis pacem para bellum.
The views of the author Kostas Karampetsos do not necessarily reflect those of Greek City Times.
