Dr Swasti Rao works at the Ministry of Defence think tank Manohar Parrikar Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses in New Delhi, India. Her research interests focus on India’s defence alliances, emphasising security (including economic security).
In the past, Dr Rao taught International Relations and Research Methodology at leading universities in India while studying the rise of China and European security issues and dealing with India’s foreign policy.
She completed her PhD in Tokyo as a scholarship holder of the Ministry of Education of Japan, specialising in the Europe/Eurasia and East Asia regions.
Under the current National Democratic Alliance coalition government, led by Prime Minister Narendra Modi, India is trying to strengthen its relations with Europe and reduce its dependence on Russian military equipment by developing closer ties with the West.
These developments also create significant opportunities for the EU, helping it to distance itself from Russia and China and gradually become a major player in key security issues. In this context, relations between India and Greece are developing significantly.
The history of most European countries is intertwined with colonialism. On the other hand, Greek history exudes a peculiar romanticism because of its philosophical tradition: from Plato and Pythagoras to Aristotle and so on.
Every Indian student studying political theory considers the ancient Greeks a fundamental point of reference. Moreover, Greece (like France) has always been a staunch supporter of India against Western sanctions.
Both countries have developed a mutual understanding of the issue of self-determination.
We also discussed the case of democracy based on its ancient meaning, breaking away from the Eurocentric narrative that associates Western liberalism with ancient Greek democracy.
Similar approaches to democracy existed in India during antiquity. This is one of the main reasons many Indians consider ancient Greece an object of study and comparison.
Professor Vasileios Syros, for example, has thoroughly researched ancient India in the light of soft power. Through his research, he delves into ancient Indian writers and political figures, making comparisons with Greek classics such as Xenophon.
There is a deep cultural connection. For historians and humanities researchers, comparative studies between Greece and India hold great promise; it is not simply about Plato, Alexander the Great, Gandhi, and so on.
Regarding the current geopolitical situation, Dr Rao argues that the two countries have not explored many areas in the last 40 years.
Furthermore, very few initiatives were taken to meaningfully develop relations until 2021-2022, when India’s foreign minister, Subrahmanyam Jaishankar, laid out a full-fledged plan for expansion and outreach to Europe.
In addition, India maintains excellent relations with other Mediterranean countries, such as France, Italy, Spain, and Cyprus. India has taken a specific position regarding Cyprus’s problems since the 1970s. Indians toe the UN line.
More generally, India’s approach to the Mediterranean, at least as far as Southeast Europe is concerned, is based on establishing strategic ties. India has a defence cooperation agreement with Greece, and joint military exercises with the Greek military are increasing.
From India’s point of view, Greece is an important partner. The Indian government is well aware that Europe is a particularly large market. Greece is a gateway to Europe and connects to the Three Seas—the Baltic, Adriatic, and Black Seas.
Tensions in Greek-Turkish relations are of the utmost importance. Turkey is supported by Pakistan, which India regards as a country with diametrically opposed interests. In addition, India aims to balance tensions and limit China’s influence globally.
In recent years, it has cultivated strong ties with Armenia because (A) Azerbaijan is closely allied with Pakistan, and (B) India needs to be present in these areas. India’s absence could allow China to dominate.
So, we see why Greece could become a key ally of India.
India is but a country without expansionist tendencies. Its foreign policy is based on soft power, diplomacy and humanitarian aid. Dr Rao points out that India is not a destabilising factor; it does not undermine the world order.
Although Indian culture is based on non-Western foundations, it does not breed anti-Western syndromes.
India aims for multidimensional alliances. Contrary to what many Europeans believe, India is not so closely tied to Russia, whose power is waning both militarily and geopolitically.
India’s official foreign policy may not align with mainstream Western approaches to the Ukraine-Russia war. However, this does not mean India has a close relationship with Russia.
This war may bring Russia closer to China. This is of great concern to the Indians, who pursue a peaceful foreign policy but, at the same time, are ready to take action when situations in the wider South Asian region require it.
In this context, many Europeans should understand that India has developed equally historically friendly relations with other partners. Deepening relations with Europe does not necessarily imply a departure from other strategic partners.
Concerns are expressed regarding the discontinuity of Greek foreign policy, particularly regarding relations with Eastern countries, including the Middle East.
For example, relations between Greece and Iraq or Jordan can develop for two or three years but suddenly stop, and the work is undertaken to be completed by non-state actors (including academic actors) and actors operating within the framework of paradiplomacy.
They play an important role in covering the gaps, which are reinforced by Greek foreign policy’s excessive emphasis on concluding agreements with Western countries.
For Dr. Theodosiadis, this reality also dominated Greece’s relations with India until 2021.
In addition, the Middle East could be an important trade link connecting India and Eastern Europe. Indian workers are active in many Middle Eastern companies. Dr Rao claims that India has ambitions in the Middle East as ell.
In particular, India has concluded agreements that link it to this geographical area, creating trade routes from the United Arab Emirates to Haifa, Israel, and then to the Aegean and Mediterranean seas.
However, the recent war between Israel and Palestine (as well as its extension to the Red Sea) is a source of uncertainty. The great efforts we have seen since the Abraham Accords are in danger of being undone.
At present, the situation is very volatile, and no normalisation is in sight.
Dr. Rai believes that it is time to discuss all these issues further, particularly those related to work, energy, and higher education. Academics responsible for developing intellectual capital are also responsible for developing plans and promoting research ventures.
Dr. Michalis Theodosiadis is a lecturer in Political Theory at UKH (Arvila, Iraq) and Postdoctoral Fellow at EKPA. Translated by Paul Antonopoulos.
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